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===Secondary migration===
===Secondary migration===
There has also been some secondary migration of Somalis to the UK from the [[Netherlands]], [[Sweden]] and [[Denmark]].<ref name=Kleist11>Kleist, p.&nbsp;11.</ref><ref name=Liempt>{{Cite journal|title='And then one day they all moved to Leicester': The relocation of Somalis from the Netherlands to the UK explained|last=van Liempt|first=Ilse|journal=Population, Space and Place|doi=10.1002/psp.605|pages=n/a|year=forthcoming, 2010}}</ref> An academic article published in 2010 suggests that, since 2000, between 10,000 and 20,000 [[Somalis in the Netherlands]] have moved to the UK.<ref name=Liempt/> The driving forces behind this secondary migration included: a desire to reunite with family and friends;<ref name=Identities/><ref name=Harris24>Harris, p.&nbsp;24.</ref> a rise in Dutch opposition to [[Islam in the Netherlands#Immigration|Muslim immigration]]; Somali opposition to housing policies which forced them to live scattered in small groups all over various cities rather than in a larger agglomerated community;<ref name="Ambrose">{{Cite news|url=http://www.washtimes.com/world/20050105-094454-3064r.htm|date=5 January 2005|accessdate=30 June 2010|work=[[The Washington Times]]|first=Ambrose|last=Evans-Pritchard|title=Somalis Exiting Netherlands for Britain}}</ref> a restrictive socio-economic environment which, among other things, made it difficult for new arrivals to find work;<ref>{{Cite web|last1=Van den Reek|first1=E. A. W.|first2=A. I.|last2=Hussein|date=1 September 2003|title=Somaliërs op Doorreis, Verhuisgedrag van Nederlandse Somaliërs naar Engeland|publisher=[[Tilburg University]]|accessdate=1 July 2010|url=http://integratie.net/kiem/dossiers/Wonen/Huisvesting/3492_1013.html|language=Dutch}}</ref> and the comparative ease of starting a business and acquiring the means to get off social welfare in the UK.<ref name="Ambrose"/> Research into this relocation also suggests that some Somali migrants in the Netherlands did not intend to end up there as a final destination. Their journeys may have been interrupted in the Netherlands, or they may have had little choice about their destination. As a result, some secondary migration can be seen in the context of the desire to complete an intended migration to the UK.<ref name=Liempt/>
There has also been some secondary migration of Somalis to the UK from the [[Netherlands]], [[Sweden]] and [[Denmark]].<ref name=Kleist11>Kleist, p.&nbsp;11.</ref><ref name=Liempt>{{Cite journal|title='And then one day they all moved to Leicester': The relocation of Somalis from the Netherlands to the UK explained|last=van Liempt|first=Ilse|journal=Population, Space and Place|doi=10.1002/psp.605|volume=17|issue=3|pages=254-266|year=100}}</ref> An academic article published in 2011 suggests that, since 2000, between 10,000 and 20,000 [[Somalis in the Netherlands]] have moved to the UK.<ref name=Liempt/> The driving forces behind this secondary migration included: a desire to reunite with family and friends;<ref name=Identities/><ref name=Harris24>Harris, p.&nbsp;24.</ref> a rise in Dutch opposition to [[Islam in the Netherlands#Immigration|Muslim immigration]]; Somali opposition to housing policies which forced them to live scattered in small groups all over various cities rather than in a larger agglomerated community;<ref name="Ambrose">{{Cite news|url=http://www.washtimes.com/world/20050105-094454-3064r.htm|date=5 January 2005|accessdate=30 June 2010|work=[[The Washington Times]]|first=Ambrose|last=Evans-Pritchard|title=Somalis Exiting Netherlands for Britain}}</ref> a restrictive socio-economic environment which, among other things, made it difficult for new arrivals to find work;<ref>{{Cite web|last1=Van den Reek|first1=E. A. W.|first2=A. I.|last2=Hussein|date=1 September 2003|title=Somaliërs op Doorreis, Verhuisgedrag van Nederlandse Somaliërs naar Engeland|publisher=[[Tilburg University]]|accessdate=1 July 2010|url=http://integratie.net/kiem/dossiers/Wonen/Huisvesting/3492_1013.html|language=Dutch}}</ref> and the comparative ease of starting a business and acquiring the means to get off social welfare in the UK.<ref name="Ambrose"/> Research into this relocation also suggests that some Somali migrants in the Netherlands did not intend to end up there as a final destination. Their journeys may have been interrupted in the Netherlands, or they may have had little choice about their destination. As a result, some secondary migration can be seen in the context of the desire to complete an intended migration to the UK.<ref name=Liempt/>


===Naturalisation===
===Naturalisation===
Line 149: Line 149:


===Education===
===Education===
A 2013 article in ''[[The Economist]]'' states that education levels amongst Somalis are low, and notes the relatively poor performance of Somali children in British schools:
⚫
Levels of completed education within the Somali community are generally high. According to a 2002 study by the Africa Education Trust and London Learning and Skills Council, which interviewed 356 individuals (of which 23 percent were Somalis) from the five largest refugee and asylum seeker communities in the boroughs of Barnet, Enfield, Haringey and Waltham Forest, around 21 percent of Somalis had university degrees. This was the highest proportion among the sampled immigrant groups. Another 46 percent of Somalis had completed secondary school, 20 percent had an A level equivalent, 10 percent had finished primary school, 2 percent had entered but not completed university, and 1 percent had no prior education. With regard to education and training undertaken in the UK, a total of 88 percent of Somalis had followed such courses, the highest proportion among the sampled ethnic groups. Of those, 24 percent were ESOL classes, 24 percent A level, 21 percent FE, 6 percent university degrees, 6 percent secondary courses, 4 percent community courses, 2 percent Masters degrees, and 1 percent basic skills training.<ref name="AETLSC">{{cite web|title=Refugees and Asylum Seekers in the Learning and Skills Council London North Area|url=http://dera.ioe.ac.uk/10237/1/Refugees_and_Asylum_Seekers_in_the_LSC_London_North_Area_.pdf|publisher=Africa Education Trust and London Learning and Skills Council|accessdate=13 September 2013}}</ref>

<blockquote>Education looks an unlikely escape route. Overcrowded houses mean children have nowhere to do their homework. In 2010-11 around 33% of Somali children got five good GCSEs, the exams taken at 16, compared with 59% of Bangladeshi pupils and 78% of Nigerian ones. Parents unable to speak English struggle. They see their children move up a year at school and assume they are doing well (in Somalia poor performers are held back). Their offspring, roped in as translators, are in no hurry to disabuse them.<ref name=Economist>{{cite news|url=http://www.economist.com/news/britain/21583710-somalis-fare-much-worse-other-immigrants-what-holds-them-back-road-long|title=Britain's Somalis: The road is long|work=The Economist|date=2013-08-17|accessdate=2015-02-01}}</ref></blockquote>

A 2009 report notes that "what relatively little data exists indicate that Somali pupils are the lowest achieving group in London".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1012&context=macabroad|title=Education for Somali Students in London: Challenges and Strategies|publisher=Foundation for International Education|first=Joseph|last=Rasmussen|date=2009|pages=8-9}}</ref> A report produced for the Department for Children, Schools and Families into the educational performance of children from Bangladeshi, Somali and Turkish backgrounds, published in 2010, finds that "Somali students are marked by extremely high educational aspirations both by parents for their child and by the students themselves, a positive attitude to school and strong academic self concept", but that they "are not achieving the same return in relation to these positive factors as either White British or Bangladeshi students, and they are not achieving as
well as would be expected given these advantaging factors".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://dera.ioe.ac.uk/828/1/DCSF-RR226.pdf|title=Drivers and Challenges in Raising the Achievement of Pupils from Bangladeshi, Somali and Turkish Backgrounds|publisher=Department for Children, Schools and Families|date=March 2010|first1=Steve|last1=Strand|first2=Augustin|last2=de Coulon|first3=Elena|last3=Meschi|first4=
John|last4=Vorhaus|first5=Lara|last5=Frumkin|first6=Claire|last6=Ivins|first7=Lauren|last7=Small|first8=Amrita|last8=Sood|first9=Marie-Claude|last9=Gervais|first10=Hamid|last10=Rehman|accessdate=2015-02-01|page=15}}</ref>

Refugee education expert Jill Rutter argues that "an interrupted or non-existent education prior to migration to the UK is a significant cause of underachievement" amongst Somali immigrant pupils, "as children arrive in the UK without age-appropriate skills". She notes the destroyed state of the education system in southern Somalia and time spent out of education during lengthy journeys to Britain as significant factors. Provision of support for learning English is insufficient to meet the needs of those pupils whose education has been interrupted, she argues, and limited maternal literacy and high levels of unemployment amongst Somali parents also contribute to low educational attainment. Rutter also notes that UK-born pupils of Somali heritage do not achieve better exam results than Somali-born children. However, she argues that "while many Somali children do underachieve, there is also a confident and reasonably successful Somali middle class whose children do well at school".<ref>{{cite book|first=Jill|last=Rutter|chapter=Equity in education for migrant and refugee children: Issues from the United Kingdom|editor-first1=Florence E.|editor-last1=McCarthy|editor-first2=Margaret H.|editor-last2=Vickers|title=Refugee and Immigrant Students: Achieving Equity in Education|publisher=Information Age Publishing|year=2012|pages=167-188|isbn=9781617358418}}</ref>

⚫
Some sources also find levels of completed education within the Somali community to be low. For instance, the [[Institute for Public Policy Research]] has published analysis of [[Labour Force Survey]] data for the period 2000-04, and found that, of Somali-born immigrants who had arrived since 1990 (who made up 761 of 812 Somali-born people in the sample), 50.1 per cent had no qualification and 2.8 per cent had higher qualifications.<ref>{{cite book|first=Sarah|last=Kyambi|title=Beyond Black and White: Mapping new immigrant communities|publisher=Institute for Public Policy Research|isbn=186030284X|pages=89-90|year=2005}}</ref> However, according to a 2002 study by the Africa Education Trust and London Learning and Skills Council, which interviewed 356 individuals (of which 23 percent were Somalis) from the five largest refugee and asylum seeker communities in the boroughs of Barnet, Enfield, Haringey and Waltham Forest, around 21 percent of Somalis had university degrees. This was the highest proportion among the sampled immigrant groups. Another 46 percent of Somalis had completed secondary school, 20 percent had an A level equivalent, 10 percent had finished primary school, 2 percent had entered but not completed university, and 1 percent had no prior education. With regard to education and training undertaken in the UK, a total of 88 percent of Somalis had followed such courses, the highest proportion among the sampled ethnic groups. Of those, 24 percent were ESOL classes, 24 percent A level, 21 percent FE, 6 percent university degrees, 6 percent secondary courses, 4 percent community courses, 2 percent Masters degrees, and 1 percent basic skills training.<ref name="AETLSC">{{cite web|title=Refugees and Asylum Seekers in the Learning and Skills Council London North Area|url=http://dera.ioe.ac.uk/10237/1/Refugees_and_Asylum_Seekers_in_the_LSC_London_North_Area_.pdf|publisher=Africa Education Trust and London Learning and Skills Council|accessdate=13 September 2013}}</ref>


===Employment===
===Employment===
Somali-born migrants have the lowest employment rate among all immigrants in the UK.<ref name=Community60 /> Figures published by the Office for National Statistics show high rates of economic inactivity and unemployment amongst Somali immigrants. In the three months to June 2008, 31.4 percent of Somali men and 84.2 percent of Somali women were economically inactive (the statistics include students, carers and the long-term sick, injured or disabled in this group).<ref name=Khan>{{Cite web|url=http://www.statistics.gov.uk/articles/nojournal/MFMigAug08.pdf|title=Employment of foreign workers: Male and female labour market participation|first=Kamran|last=Khan|publisher=[[Office for National Statistics]]|date=August 2008|accessdate=5 August 2010}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.ons.gov.uk/about-statistics/user-guidance/lm-guide/concepts/inactivity/reasons/index.html|title=Reasons for economic inactivity|publisher=Office for National Statistics|accessdate=4 August 2010}}</ref> Of those who were economically active, 41.4 percent of the men and 39.1 percent of the women were unemployed. Employment rates were 40.1 percent for men and 9.6 percent for women. The male employment rate has, however, risen from 21.5 percent in 1998.<ref name=Khan/>
Somali-born migrants have the lowest employment rate among all immigrants in the UK.<ref name=Community60 /> Figures published by the Office for National Statistics show high rates of economic inactivity and unemployment amongst Somali immigrants. In the three months to June 2008, 31.4 percent of Somali men and 84.2 percent of Somali women were economically inactive (the statistics include students, carers and the long-term sick, injured or disabled in this group).<ref name=Khan>{{Cite web|url=http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/lmac/employment-of-foreign-workers/employment-of-foreign-workers-male-and-female-labour-market-participation/employment-of-foreign-workers--male-and-female-labour-market-participation.pdf|title=Employment of foreign workers: Male and female labour market participation|first=Kamran|last=Khan|publisher=[[Office for National Statistics]]|date=August 2008|accessdate=5 August 2010}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.ons.gov.uk/about-statistics/user-guidance/lm-guide/concepts/inactivity/reasons/index.html|title=Reasons for economic inactivity|publisher=Office for National Statistics|accessdate=4 August 2010}}</ref> Of those who were economically active, 41.4 percent of the men and 39.1 percent of the women were unemployed. Employment rates were 40.1 percent for men and 9.6 percent for women. The male employment rate has, however, risen from 21.5 percent in 1998.<ref name=Khan/>


A report by the [[Institute for Public Policy Research]] attributes the low employment rate to the newness of the Somali community and to the fact that most immigrants came in search of asylum rather than through labor migration channels. Data suggests asylum seekers in general appear to have more difficulty accessing employment.<ref name="IPPR"/> This includes many skilled professionals who, while constituting a high proportion of Somali immigrants, have not all been able to find work in their field. According to a study by the Africa Education Trust and London Learning and Skills Council, although around 20 percent of Somali refugees and asylum seekers had higher degrees compared to 12 percent of general refugees and asylum seekers, they were proportionately just as likely to be working in semi-skilled or manual labour positions than would be expected given their employment experience and education.<ref name="Casciani">{{cite news|last=Casciani|first=Dominic|title=Asylum workers could help London|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/england/2725337.stm|accessdate=12 September 2013|newspaper=BBC|date=4 February 2013}}</ref> Many have had difficulty getting the qualifications that they have gained in Somalia recognised in the UK, with only 25 percent of Somali immigrants with a professional background able to find work comparable to the positions that they previously held.<ref name="AETLSC"/><ref name="Casciani"/> Other main employment barriers included lack of references and prior work experience in the UK, unfamiliarity with the UK job culture, discrimination, over-reliance on word-of-mouth for job openings rather than employment centres and classifieds, and lack of fluency in the English language.<ref name="AETLSC"/> According to the [[Warwickshire Police Force]] and a report by ELWa, asylum seekers are also not legally allowed to work for payment since the [[National Asylum Support Service]] (NASS) (now the UK Border Agency<ref name="Shelter"/>) administers their monetary benefits while their claim is being processed.<ref name="Wapolfor">{{cite web|title=Policing our Communities - Refugees and Asylum Seekers|url=http://www.warwickshire.police.uk/Equality%20and%20Diversity/Policingourcommunities/RefugeesandAsylumSeekersfolder|publisher=Warwickshire Police Force|accessdate=23 July 2011}}</ref><ref name="ELWa">{{cite web|title=Learning Insight - Asylum Seekers and Refugees|url=http://www.elwa.ac.uk/doc_bin/Research%20Reports/081105_learning_insight_asylum_seekers.pdf|publisher=ELWa|accessdate=23 July 2011}}</ref>
A report by the Institute for Public Policy Research attributes the low employment rate to the newness of the Somali community and to the fact that most immigrants came in search of asylum rather than through labor migration channels. Data suggests asylum seekers in general appear to have more difficulty accessing employment.<ref name="IPPR"/> This includes many skilled professionals who, while constituting a high proportion of Somali immigrants, have not all been able to find work in their field. According to a study by the Africa Education Trust and London Learning and Skills Council, although around 20 percent of Somali refugees and asylum seekers had higher degrees compared to 12 percent of general refugees and asylum seekers, they were proportionately just as likely to be working in semi-skilled or manual labour positions than would be expected given their employment experience and education.<ref name="Casciani">{{cite news|last=Casciani|first=Dominic|title=Asylum workers could help London|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/england/2725337.stm|accessdate=12 September 2013|newspaper=BBC|date=4 February 2013}}</ref> Many have had difficulty getting the qualifications that they have gained in Somalia recognised in the UK, with only 25 percent of Somali immigrants with a professional background able to find work comparable to the positions that they previously held.<ref name="AETLSC"/><ref name="Casciani"/> Other main employment barriers included lack of references and prior work experience in the UK, unfamiliarity with the UK job culture, discrimination, over-reliance on word-of-mouth for job openings rather than employment centres and classifieds, and lack of fluency in the English language.<ref name="AETLSC"/> According to the [[Warwickshire Police Force]] and a report by ELWa, asylum seekers are also not legally allowed to work for payment since the [[National Asylum Support Service]] (NASS) (now the UK Border Agency<ref name="Shelter"/>) administers their monetary benefits while their claim is being processed.<ref name="Wapolfor">{{cite web|title=Policing our Communities - Refugees and Asylum Seekers|url=http://www.warwickshire.police.uk/Equality%20and%20Diversity/Policingourcommunities/RefugeesandAsylumSeekersfolder|publisher=Warwickshire Police Force|accessdate=23 July 2011}}</ref><ref name="ELWa">{{cite web|title=Learning Insight - Asylum Seekers and Refugees|url=http://www.elwa.ac.uk/doc_bin/Research%20Reports/081105_learning_insight_asylum_seekers.pdf|publisher=ELWa|accessdate=23 July 2011}}</ref>


===Community organisations===
===Community organisations===

Revision as of 10:28, 1 February 2015

Somalis in the United Kingdom
Notable Somalis in the UK:
Abdi Yusuf Hassan • Poly Styrene • Ahmed Mahamoud Silanyo
Rageh Omaar • Aar Maanta • Nadifa Mohamed
Hanan Ibrahim • Mo Farah • Mark Hendrick
Regions with significant populations
London · Liverpool · Cardiff · Birmingham · Bristol · Manchester · Sheffield · Leicester
Languages
Somali · Arabic · English
Religion
Islam

Somalis in the United Kingdom include British citizens and residents born in, or with ancestors from, Somalia. It is thought that the United Kingdom is home to the largest Somali community in Europe, with 99,484 Somali-born residents of England recorded by the 2011 Census, and an estimated 115,000 Somali-born immigrants residing in the UK in 2010 according to the Office for National Statistics.

The earliest Somali immigrants in the UK were seamen and merchants who arrived in the 19th century. A second small group came during the Second World War with the Royal Navy, and stayed in search of employment. During the 1980s and 1990s, the civil war in Somalia led to a large number of Somali immigrants, comprising the majority of the current Somali population in the UK.

The Somali community represents one of the largest Muslim groups in the UK. While faced with several social challenges, community members include notable sports figures, filmmakers and local politicians. It has also established business networks and media organisations.

History and settlement

Early migration

Somali crew men on the HMS Venus.

The UK has historically been close to Somalia, through its involvement in the British Somaliland protectorate. This link has given rise to a long tradition of Somali migration to the UK.[2] Mobility has played an important part in Somali culture.[2][3] The first Somali immigrants were seamen and merchants who settled in port cities in the late 19th century, mainly in Cardiff, Liverpool and London.[2][4] Many of these early sailors came from British Somaliland and worked in the thriving docks, whilst living in boarding houses run by other Somalis.[5][6]

A second, small group came during the Second World War with the Royal Navy and stayed in search of employment.[7] Most of these seamen considered their stay in the UK as temporary and had left their families behind.[2][8] Until the 1950s, Somali migrants were legally restricted to working in the shipping industry, were paid at rates 25 percent below the pay of native British workers, and forced to settle only in towns and cities that were centres of shipping.[9] In 1953, there were about 600 Somalis living in the UK.[2] When the British merchant navy started to wind down in the 1950s, many of these migrants moved to industrial cities such as Birmingham, Sheffield and Manchester, where labour was in great demand.[2][10] By the 1960s, there were still only a few Somali women in the UK.[4] After the expansion in British industry, Somali men brought over their wives and families.[2][11] Somali women subsequently began establishing community organisations in the cities where they resided, some of which still exist to this day.[2] In the 1960s and 1970s, Somali students from British Somaliland also came to study in the UK. Some chose to remain in Britain, while others returned to Somalia after graduating.[2]

Principal asylum applications by Somali nationals, excluding dependants, United Kingdom, 1999–2008[12][nb 1]
Initial decisions[nb 2]
Year Applications received Granted asylum Granted temporary protection[nb 3] Refused
1999 7,495 130 55 120
2000 5,020 5,310 3,575 2,365
2001 6,420 2,910 1,995 3,525
2002 6,540 2,515 1,405 2,815
2003 5,090 1,665 550 3,835
2004 2,585 455 460 2,355
2005 1,760 660 195 1,000
2006 1,845 655 165 905
2007 1,615 805 105 700
2008[nb 4] 1,345 490 75 550
Grants of British citizenship to Somali nationals, 1983–2009

Refugees and asylum seekers

During the 1980s and 1990s, the civil war in Somalia lead to a large number of Somali immigrants, comprising the majority of the current Somali population in the UK.[2][11][13] During the period 1988 to 1994, the favoured destination of people fleeing the civil war was Scandinavia, but by 1999 53 percent of Somali asylum applications in Europe were made in the UK.[14] Many of these asylum seekers had fled from neighbouring countries such as Ethiopia before migrating to the UK.[2][7] Many of the refugees were not men, but women and children whose men had either been killed or had stayed in Somalia to fight, changing the Somali settlement from one of single seamen to that of refugee communities.[11] Between 1985 and 2006, Somalis figured among the top ten largest country of origin groups of people seeking asylum in the UK.[15] In the late 1980s, most of these early migrants were granted refugee status, while those arriving later in the 1990s more often obtained temporary status.[2]

Secondary migration

There has also been some secondary migration of Somalis to the UK from the Netherlands, Sweden and Denmark.[16][17] An academic article published in 2011 suggests that, since 2000, between 10,000 and 20,000 Somalis in the Netherlands have moved to the UK.[17] The driving forces behind this secondary migration included: a desire to reunite with family and friends;[2][18] a rise in Dutch opposition to Muslim immigration; Somali opposition to housing policies which forced them to live scattered in small groups all over various cities rather than in a larger agglomerated community;[19] a restrictive socio-economic environment which, among other things, made it difficult for new arrivals to find work;[20] and the comparative ease of starting a business and acquiring the means to get off social welfare in the UK.[19] Research into this relocation also suggests that some Somali migrants in the Netherlands did not intend to end up there as a final destination. Their journeys may have been interrupted in the Netherlands, or they may have had little choice about their destination. As a result, some secondary migration can be seen in the context of the desire to complete an intended migration to the UK.[17]

Naturalisation

Between 1983 and 1994, the number of Somalis granted British citizenship was generally low, ranging from 40 in 1987 to 140 in 1994. However, in 1995 the number of grants of citizenship started to rise significantly, reaching a peak of 11,165 in 2004, before falling somewhat in the following years.[21] In 2009, 8,140 Somali nationals were granted British citizenship, accounting for around four percent of all naturalisations and making Somali the sixth most common previous nationality amongst those granted citizenship that year.[22]

Demographics

Population and distribution

Location Somali-born population (2011 Census)[23] Somalis regardless of birthplace (2003–2007 estimates collated by CLG)[24] Somalis regardless of birthplace (2006 estimates by ICAR)[25]
London 65,333 70,000
Birmingham 7,765 3,000–4,000 35,000
Bristol 4,947
Manchester 3,645 5,000–6,000
Leicester 3,209 10,000–15,000 15,000
Sheffield 2,372 3,000–5,000 10,000
Cardiff 1,672 10,000
Liverpool 1,249 3,000–5,000
Slough 1,247
Coventry 1,181
Milton Keynes 1,141

As of 2009, the UK is believed to have the largest Somali community in Europe.[26] The Office for National Statistics estimates that 115,000 Somali-born immigrants were resident in the UK in March 2010,[1] with Somali community organisations putting the figure at 90,000 residents.[15] According to the 2011 UK Census, there were 99,484 Somali-born residents in England.[27] However, these estimates are complicated by the exchange of Somalis both arriving in the UK and those deciding to return to Somalia or elsewhere.[2]

As with estimates of the total Somali population in the UK, estimates by city vary significantly between sources.[28] This problem is partly the result of defining "Somali", with some sources estimating the Somali-born population only, and others estimating the size of the ethnic Somali community, including second and subsequent-generation British Somalis.[29] The 2011 census found that 65,333 Somali-born people were resident in London.[27] Other sources suggest that Cardiff has the highest number of people of Somali heritage anywhere in the UK, though the number of Somali-born immigrants there is low.[30]

Language

Somali women at a Somali language event in London.

The Somali language is the mother tongue of the Somali people, and the official language of Somalia. It is a member of the Cushitic branch of the Afro-Asiatic family.[31] The 2011 UK Census estimates that 86,000 or 0.2% of individuals living in England and Wales speak Somali as their main language.[32] Some Somalis in the UK also speak Arabic, another Afro-Asiatic tongue and the other official language of Somalia,[33] with about 15 percent of Somalis in England being completely fluent in it according to a 2006 report by the Foreign Policy Centre.[34]

Religion

Somalis in the UK and elsewhere are Muslims, the majority belonging to the Sunni branch of Islam and the Shafi`i school of Islamic jurisprudence.[35][36] Somalis constitute one of the largest Muslim groups in the UK.[37] Mosques are the primary centres for religious and social gatherings, and also play an important role in sharing information. Traditionally, Somalis attended masjids established by the more settled Muslim communities, though there are now a small number of mosques operated by Somalis.[38]

Culture

Music

Popular Somali singer Aar Maanta.

Prominent Somali musicians based in the UK include Aar Maanta, who produces an eclectic mix of styles blended with traditional Somali music, such as the classical oud-centred Qaraami ("love songs" in Arabic) style of the 1940s.[39] Poly Styrene (born Marianne Joan Elliott-Said), whose father was Somali, was a member of the punk rock band X-Ray Spex, and later a solo artist.[40]

Media

The BBC Somali Service is a radio station transmitted in the Somali language around the world. The majority of Somalis in the UK listen to the BBC Somali Service for news and information.[41] While many listen at home via satellite radio or the Internet, others listen in groups at Somali shops, restaurants, khat houses or mosques.[41]

Somali Eye Media is a media organisation based in London and set up in 2003 by Adam Dirir, a prominent member of the Somali community. It publishes the magazine Somali Eye quarterly,[42] and operates Somali Voice Radio, a radio station, through Sound Radio 1503 AM.[43] Two other UK-based Somali radio stations are Somali On Air[41] and Nomad Radio.[44] Bristol Community FM features a weekly chat show that is hosted by Somali Women's Voice.[45]

There are also a few weekly and monthly Somali newspapers available in the UK in both Somali and English, including Kasmo, Jamhuuriya,[46] and The Somali Voice.[47] Other magazines and newspapers have failed due to poor readership figures.[46] A 2006 survey by the International Organization for Migration suggests that Somalis in the UK prefer to read newspapers such as Metro to improve their English-language skills, although listening to radio was more popular.[46] In 2007, five emerging Somali authors (including Adam Dirir) published Silent Voices, an anthology about Somali life in Britain.[48]

Prominent Somali media figures in the UK include Rageh Omaar, a television news presenter and a writer, and advocate for the Somali community. He received the 2002–2003 Ethnic Multicultural Media Academy award for the best TV journalist.[49] Omaar was formerly a BBC world affairs correspondent, where he made his name reporting on the Iraq War.[50][51] In September 2006, he moved to a new post at Al Jazeera English, where he currently hosts the current-affairs programme, The Rageh Omaar Show.[52] Yusuf Garaad Omar is a Somali journalist and former head of the BBC Somali Service.[53] Other Somali media figures include Mo Ali, a film director born in Saudi Arabia,[54] who debuted in 2010 his feature film, Shank, set in a futuristic London.[55][56] Somali-British author Nadifa Mohamed's debuting novel, Black Mamba Boy (2009), won the 2010 Betty Trask Award, and was short-listed for several awards, including the 2010 Guardian First Book Award,[57] the 2010 Dylan Thomas Prize,[58] and the 2010 John Llewellyn Rhys Prize.[59] In 2013, Warsan Shire was also selected from a shortlist of six young bards as the first Young Poet Laureate for London, part of the London Legacy Development Corporation's Spoke programme in Queen Elizabeth Olympic Park and the surrounding area.[60] Additionally, visual artist and writer Diriye Osman's short stories have garnered literary recognition,[61] as has comedian and actor Prince Abdi's stand-up.[62] Scientist and non-fiction writer Abdisalam Issa-Salwe is also a central figure in Somali scholarship.[63]

Sport

Mo Farah at the 2010 London Youth Games Hall of Fame and Awards Evening.

Somali athletes in the UK include Mo Farah, a long-distance runner who won the gold medals in the 5,000 metres and 10,000 metres at the 2012 London Olympic Games.[64][65] Farah was born in Mogadishu but grew up in Djibouti and moved to the UK aged eight.[66] He generally competes in the 5,000 metres event, having won his first major title at the European Athletics Junior Championships in 2001. Farah also competes in cross-country running, where in December 2006, he became European champion in Italy.[67] He holds the British indoor record in the 3000 metres. In 2010, Farah earned Great Britain its first ever gold medal in the 10,000 metre event at the European Athletics Championships, as well as a second gold in the 5,000 metres.[68][69] Other prominent Somali athletes in the UK include paralympic bronze medalist Abdi Jama, and footballers Abdisalam Ibrahim of Manchester City and Leon Osman of Everton, whose grandfather was Somali.[70]

Community

Social issues and solutions

One of the main barriers to integration facing Somalis is language, which has an effect on housing and health conditions.[71] The issue of youth crime and gang violence within the Somali community is often covered in the media.[72][73] In response, community youth forums have been established, which work closely with law enforcement to deter vice. Women's groups have also started to form, and the Metropolitan Police recently hired its first Somali female officer.[72] Additionally, the Somali Youth Development Resource Centre (SYDRC), a Somali community-reach organisation based in Camden, has joined forces with the Metropolitan Police's Communities Together Strategic Engagement Team to establish the London Somali Youth Forum. The initiative provides an outlet for the city's young Somalis to address security-related issues and to get engaged with the local police. The SYDRC has hired numerous youth ambassadors for the purpose, 16 of whom have been specifically trained in community engagement.[74]

Khat

Khat is a plant that is mainly grown in East Africa and the Middle East. Its leaves are chewed for their stimulating properties, primarily by people from these regions. Within Somali culture especially, khat chewing has a long history as a social custom that traditionally brings people together to relax and to encourage conversation. Some people also use it to help them stay alert during work or school. Ordinarily, khat use would be limited to specific periods of the day and session durations.[75] Khat itself is legal in the UK and readily available at mafrishes, commercial establishments where the substance is sold and chewed.[76] Within the Somali community as well as other groups with khat-chewing traditions, the activity is generally perceived as legitimate and is not censured like alcohol and illegal drug use are within those same communities.[75]

However, some commentators, health professionals and community members have expressed concerns about the long-term effects of the use of khat by Somalis in the UK, suggesting that excessive use has a negative social and health impact on the community.[76] One review of studies of the effects of khat use by Somalis and other immigrants on their mental health suggests that there is a need for better research on khat-chewing and its possible link with psychiatric disorders; it also suggests that public discourse on the issue displays elements of a moral panic.[77] Some Somali community organisations have also campaigned for khat to be banned.[78] As a result of these concerns, the Home Office commissioned successive research studies to look into the matter, and in 2005, presented the question of khat's legal status before the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs. After a careful review of the evidence, the expert committee recommended in January 2006 that the status of khat as a legal substance should remain for the time being.[76]

In 2005, the Home Office issued a report on research examining the level and nature of the use of khat by Somalis in four English cities; Birmingham, Bristol, London and Sheffield. It found that 38 percent of the respondents had ever used khat in their lifetime, with 58 percent of men and only 16 percent of women reporting having ever used it. 34 percent of the overall sample indicated that they had chewed khat the month before, 51 percent of which were men and 14 percent were women. Some reported family tensions arising from their khat use. 49 percent of those surveyed were in favour of banning khat, with 35 opposed, but the report suggested that this would not be effective. Three quarters of participants who had used khat reported having suffered health effects, although these were mostly mild in nature, with the most common symptoms respondents associated with khat use being sleeping difficulties, loss of appetite, and an urge to chew more khat. The study concluded that most of the participants who were using khat were using it moderately in terms of both the quantity used and the frequency and duration of chewing sessions, and that khat use was typically a social activity. Only a small minority of the study participants' khat use was judged to be excessive.[75] In January 2013, the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs also again cited insufficient evidence that the plant caused serious health or societal problems to warrant governmental control.[79] Nonetheless, in July 2013 it was announced that khat was to be classified as a class C drug and therefore banned.[80]

Housing

According to reports, over 95 percent of Somali immigrants in the UK live in rental accommodation, and of this group, about 80 percent live in social housing.[81][82] However, this representation is numerically very small in relation to the total number of social tenants in the UK; 72,800 of the 92,200-person Somalia-born community reside in social housing compared to 8.4 million UK-born social tenants.[82]

Factors that account for the high uptake of social housing in the community include generally lower household incomes that make it difficult to buy property; a preference for living in London, where property prices are higher and there are proportionately more social tenants from all communities; and a high proportion of new arrivals in the Somali community, with newcomers least likely to have gathered the savings that are required to buy property.[82] Another contributing factor is the proportionately larger family sizes for which to find affordable and appropriate accommodation; about 10.8 per cent of Somalia-born households have five or more children as compared to 0.3 per cent of the UK-born population. Foreign-born populations in general tend to have larger families than the UK-born average.[83]

Most Somalia-born immigrants are eligible for social housing, as they have either refugee status, settled status or UK or EEA citizenship.[84] Social housing and support for asylum seekers is allocated by the UK Border Agency (UKBA),[85] and expires after an asylum claim has been processed.[86]

Education

A 2013 article in The Economist states that education levels amongst Somalis are low, and notes the relatively poor performance of Somali children in British schools:

Education looks an unlikely escape route. Overcrowded houses mean children have nowhere to do their homework. In 2010-11 around 33% of Somali children got five good GCSEs, the exams taken at 16, compared with 59% of Bangladeshi pupils and 78% of Nigerian ones. Parents unable to speak English struggle. They see their children move up a year at school and assume they are doing well (in Somalia poor performers are held back). Their offspring, roped in as translators, are in no hurry to disabuse them.[87]

A 2009 report notes that "what relatively little data exists indicate that Somali pupils are the lowest achieving group in London".[88] A report produced for the Department for Children, Schools and Families into the educational performance of children from Bangladeshi, Somali and Turkish backgrounds, published in 2010, finds that "Somali students are marked by extremely high educational aspirations both by parents for their child and by the students themselves, a positive attitude to school and strong academic self concept", but that they "are not achieving the same return in relation to these positive factors as either White British or Bangladeshi students, and they are not achieving as well as would be expected given these advantaging factors".[89]

Refugee education expert Jill Rutter argues that "an interrupted or non-existent education prior to migration to the UK is a significant cause of underachievement" amongst Somali immigrant pupils, "as children arrive in the UK without age-appropriate skills". She notes the destroyed state of the education system in southern Somalia and time spent out of education during lengthy journeys to Britain as significant factors. Provision of support for learning English is insufficient to meet the needs of those pupils whose education has been interrupted, she argues, and limited maternal literacy and high levels of unemployment amongst Somali parents also contribute to low educational attainment. Rutter also notes that UK-born pupils of Somali heritage do not achieve better exam results than Somali-born children. However, she argues that "while many Somali children do underachieve, there is also a confident and reasonably successful Somali middle class whose children do well at school".[90]

Some sources also find levels of completed education within the Somali community to be low. For instance, the Institute for Public Policy Research has published analysis of Labour Force Survey data for the period 2000-04, and found that, of Somali-born immigrants who had arrived since 1990 (who made up 761 of 812 Somali-born people in the sample), 50.1 per cent had no qualification and 2.8 per cent had higher qualifications.[91] However, according to a 2002 study by the Africa Education Trust and London Learning and Skills Council, which interviewed 356 individuals (of which 23 percent were Somalis) from the five largest refugee and asylum seeker communities in the boroughs of Barnet, Enfield, Haringey and Waltham Forest, around 21 percent of Somalis had university degrees. This was the highest proportion among the sampled immigrant groups. Another 46 percent of Somalis had completed secondary school, 20 percent had an A level equivalent, 10 percent had finished primary school, 2 percent had entered but not completed university, and 1 percent had no prior education. With regard to education and training undertaken in the UK, a total of 88 percent of Somalis had followed such courses, the highest proportion among the sampled ethnic groups. Of those, 24 percent were ESOL classes, 24 percent A level, 21 percent FE, 6 percent university degrees, 6 percent secondary courses, 4 percent community courses, 2 percent Masters degrees, and 1 percent basic skills training.[92]

Employment

Somali-born migrants have the lowest employment rate among all immigrants in the UK.[37] Figures published by the Office for National Statistics show high rates of economic inactivity and unemployment amongst Somali immigrants. In the three months to June 2008, 31.4 percent of Somali men and 84.2 percent of Somali women were economically inactive (the statistics include students, carers and the long-term sick, injured or disabled in this group).[93][94] Of those who were economically active, 41.4 percent of the men and 39.1 percent of the women were unemployed. Employment rates were 40.1 percent for men and 9.6 percent for women. The male employment rate has, however, risen from 21.5 percent in 1998.[93]

A report by the Institute for Public Policy Research attributes the low employment rate to the newness of the Somali community and to the fact that most immigrants came in search of asylum rather than through labor migration channels. Data suggests asylum seekers in general appear to have more difficulty accessing employment.[81] This includes many skilled professionals who, while constituting a high proportion of Somali immigrants, have not all been able to find work in their field. According to a study by the Africa Education Trust and London Learning and Skills Council, although around 20 percent of Somali refugees and asylum seekers had higher degrees compared to 12 percent of general refugees and asylum seekers, they were proportionately just as likely to be working in semi-skilled or manual labour positions than would be expected given their employment experience and education.[95] Many have had difficulty getting the qualifications that they have gained in Somalia recognised in the UK, with only 25 percent of Somali immigrants with a professional background able to find work comparable to the positions that they previously held.[92][95] Other main employment barriers included lack of references and prior work experience in the UK, unfamiliarity with the UK job culture, discrimination, over-reliance on word-of-mouth for job openings rather than employment centres and classifieds, and lack of fluency in the English language.[92] According to the Warwickshire Police Force and a report by ELWa, asylum seekers are also not legally allowed to work for payment since the National Asylum Support Service (NASS) (now the UK Border Agency[85]) administers their monetary benefits while their claim is being processed.[96][97]

Community organisations

A Somali community center in London's East End (yellow brick building in the middle).

Somali community organisations exist in a number of British municipalities.[98] Among these is the Somali Family Support Group (SFSG), a London-based NGO catering to the UK's Somali community.[99][100] Founded by Hanan Ibrahim, the SFSG promotes inter-faith dialogue and understanding, and advocates for greater female participation in various issues. It also offers a variety of social services, including a family advice center, health awareness drives, job-search assistance and skill acquisition workshops.[100]

In 2011, the Council of Somali Organisations (CSO) was established to collectively represent the Somali community institutions, to coordinate their activities, and improve their operational effectiveness.[98]

Politics

Kayse Maxamed, editor of Somali Voice, has argued that many Somalis with British citizenship who are entitled to vote do not exercise this right, partly because of a lack of understanding of the voting registration process.[45]

On the representative front, however, the Somali community has become increasingly engaged in local politics.[101] Mohamed "Jimmy" Ali became the UK's first Somali councillor in 2004.[95] The incumbent mayor of Tower Hamlets, Ahmed Omer, is originally from Somalia, the first to be appointed to office in London and the country when he assumed office in 2009.[102] Mark Hendrick, who is partly of Somali descent, previously served as a member of the European Parliament before being elected a Labour Co-operative Member of Parliament for Preston in a by-election in 2000.[103][104] Around 17 Somali candidates also stood in the 2010 local elections. Of these, at least seven Somali councillors were elected,[101] including Gulaid Abdullah Ahmed,[105] Abdifatah Aden,[106] Awale Olad,[107] and Abdul Mohamed of the Labour Party,[108] as well as Asad Osman of the Liberal Democrats, a former chairman of the Somali Youth Development Resource Centre.[101][109]

Business and enterprise

Overview

A Somali restaurant in the London Borough of Waltham Forest.

The Somali people have a strong tradition in trade, with a long history of maritime enterprise stretching back to antiquity that includes possible commerce with ancient Britons based on rare commodities such as tin.[110] In recent times, several Somali multinational companies have their headquarters in the UK, such as Omar A. Ali's Integrated Property Investments Limited,[111] Alexander Yusuf's Villa and Mansion Architects, and Invicta Capital, which has an investment capital of £1.4 billion.[112] A 2008 study on immigrant business in Britain highlighted that the level of community support enjoyed by Somali traders was high in comparison to other immigrant groups.[113] Somali enterprise has also begun replacing previously Indian-dominated business premises. Southall, for example, now features several Somali-oriented restaurants and cafés.[114]

Networks

The Somali diaspora in the UK operates various networks, with the Somaliland Chamber of Commerce having an office locally. Another Somali business network, the Midlands Somali Business Association, a non-profit organisation centered in Birmingham, offers commercial advice to Somali businesses based in the city. It also publishes a quarterly newsletter and runs workshops and conferences for the local Somali business community. Additionally, the number of Somali businesses in the UK is increasing, ranging from restaurants, remittance companies, hairdressing salons and travel agencies to, especially, internet cafés. Although some of these businesses cater to mainstream British society, most are aimed at a Somali clientele. However, the Midlands Somali Business Association has recognised the potential benefits of penetrating the larger British business community, and is encouraging stakeholders to tap into this sector. The organisation is also exploring opportunities for transnational businesses.[115]

Money transfer operators

Dahabshiil

Some Somali businesses with a presence in the UK, particularly in the remittance sector, already operate internationally. The latter include Dahabshiil, Qaran Express, Mustaqbal, Amal Express, Kaah Express, Hodan Global, Olympic, Amana Express, Iftin Express and Tawakal Express. Most are credentialed members of the Somali Money Transfer Association (SOMTA) (or its predecessor, the Somali Financial Services Association (SFSA)), an umbrella organisation that regulates the community's money transfer sector. The bulk of remittances are sent by Somalis to relatives in Somalia, a practice which has had a stimulating effect on that country's economy.

Dahabshiil is the largest of the Somali money transfer operators (MTO), having captured most of the market vacated by Al-Barakaat. The firm has its headquarters in London and employs more than 2000 people across 144 countries, with 130 branches in the United Kingdom alone, a further 130 branches in Somalia, and 400 branches globally, including one in Dubai.[115][116] It invests 5 percent of its profits into community projects aimed at improving schools, hospitals, agriculture and sanitation services, and sponsors a number of social events, including the Somali Week Festival and the Somali Youth Sports Association, which help to promote understanding and cooperation through Somali art and culture and sport, respectively.[116] In 2008, Dahabshiil's CEO, Abdirashid Duale, a Somali who has British citizenship, was awarded Top Manager of the Year by the International Association of Money Transfer Networks in recognition of the services the firm offers its clients.[117] This was followed in 2010 with the Mayor of Tower Hamlets award for excellence in the community, which recognises the "outstanding contribution" Dahabshiil has made to the local, national and international Somali community over the last 40 years.[116]

After Dahabshiil, Qaran Express is the largest Somali-owned funds transfer company. The firm has its headquarters in both London and Dubai, with 175 agents worldwide, 64 agents in London and 66 in Somalia, and charges nothing for remitting charity funds. Mustaqbal is the third most prominent Somali MTO with branches in the United Kingdom, having 49 agents in the UK and 8 agents in Somalia.[115]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Figures are rounded to the nearest five.
  2. ^ Note that a decision is not necessarily made in the same year as the application it relates to, so decisions do not sum to the number of applications.
  3. ^ Exceptional leave, humanitarian protection or discretionary leave.
  4. ^ 2008 figures are provisional.

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Sources

Further reading

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