Croix-de-Feu: Difference between revisions

Cross of Fire

French: *Croix-de-Feu*
Cross of Fire French: Croix-de-Feu
Leader	François de La Rocque
Founded	11 November 1927
Dissolved	10 January 1936
Succeeded by	French Social Party
Headquarters	Rue de Milan, Paris
Newspaper	Le Flambeau
Student wing	Groupes Universitaires
Youth wing	Fils et Filles de Croix-de-Feu
Women's wing	Sections Féminines
Paramilitary wing	Volontaires Nationaux
Membership	15,000 (1936 est.)
Ideology	French nationalism; Social corporatism; Proto-fascism
Political position	Right-wing to far-right
Religion	Roman Catholicism
Colours	Black
	Politics of France; Political parties; Elections;

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The Croix-de-Feu (French: [kʁwa də fø], Cross of Fire) was a nationalist French league of the Interwar period, led by Colonel François de la Rocque (1885–1946). After it was dissolved, as were all other leagues during the Popular Front period (1936–38), La Rocque established the Parti social français (PSF) to replace it.

Beginnings (1927–1930)[edit]

The Croix-de-Feu (CF) were primarily a group of veterans of the First World War, those who had been awarded the Croix de guerre 1914-1918. The group was founded on 26 November 1927 by Maurice d'Hartoy, who led it until 1929. The honorary presidency was awarded to writer Jacques Péricard. Also in 1929, the movement acquired its newspaper, Le Flambeau. At its creation, the movement was subsidized by the wealthy perfumer François Coty and was hosted in the building of Le Figaro.^{[citation needed]}

It benefited from the Catholic Church's 1926 proscription of the Action Française, which prohibited Catholics from supporting the latter. Many conservative Catholics became members of the Croix-de-feu instead, including Jean Mermoz and the young François Mitterrand.^[1]

Unlike the Unions latines, which had promoted algérianité (Algerianness) and gained the support of French settlers, the CF adopted a new approach. European settlers in Algeria tended to support authoritarian and imperialist governments over French republicanism. They were anti-Semitic and xenophobic. Believing that Algerian Europeans were a new race, they saw themselves as "youthful, virile and brutal" and Metropolitan France as "degenerate, effeminate and weak". They often resorted to the use of force against Muslim and Jewish Algerians.^[2]

The Croix-de-feu had a massive propaganda campaign that won thousands of members in Constantine and Algiers. It proposed an alliance with local Muslims and attacked the left. Scholars see that as a tactic to funnel extreme and separatist frustrations caused by an economic disparity between European settlers and the local Algerian people. It used different propaganda in Oran, more similar to Jules Molle and the Union's latines, because Oran had fewer Muslims and was more anti-Semitic.^[3]

Under La Rocque (1930–1936)[edit]

Under Lieutenant-Colonel François de La Rocque, who took over in 1930, the Croix-de-Feu took its independence from François Coty and left the building of Le Figaro for rue de Milan. It organised popular demonstrations in reaction to the Stavisky Affair in the hope of overthrowing the Second Cartel des gauches, a left-wing coalition government. La Rocque quickly became a hero of the far right, which opposed the influences of socialism and "hidden Communism" but was sceptical about becoming counterrevolutionary.

Under la Rocque, the movement advocated a military effort against the "German danger" and supported corporatism and an alliance between capital and labour. It enlarged its base by creating several secondary associations, thus including non-veterans in its ranks. To counter the monarchist Action française and its slogan Politique d'abord! "Politics First!"), de la Rocque invented the motto Social d'abord! ("Social First!"). In his book, Le Service Public ("Public Service)", which was published in November 1934, he argued in favour of a reform of parliamentary procedures, cooperation between industries according to their branches of activities; a minimum wage and paid holidays; women's suffrage (also upheld by the monarchist Action française, which considered that women, often devout, would be more favourable to their conservative thesis) etc.^{[citation needed]}

The Croix de Feu was one of the right-wing groups that pushed anti-Semitic politics in 1935. Along with Volontaires Nationaux and others, the Croix de Feu used the political developments in Metropolitan France like the election of Léon Blum, a Jewish Prime Minister, and the Popular Front to inflame anti-Semitic sentiment in the colony. The 1936 elections saw the victory of anti-Semitic municipal governments, boycotts against Jewish business (heavily promoted by the Radical Party newspaper Le Republicain de Constantine) and physical violence and attacks against Jews. The Croix de Feu acted in concert with other anti-Semitic parties, including the Rassemblement National d'Action Sociale led by Abbé Lambert, Action française and Parti Populaire français. Membership in Croix de Feu grew from 2,500 in 1933 to 8,440 in 1935 and 15,000 in 1936.^[4]

The Croix-de-Feu did not participate in the 1932 demonstrations organised by the Action française and the far-right leagues Jeunesses Patriotes against the debt payment to the United States. The Croix-de-feu, however, took part in the massive rally of 6 February 1934, which led to the toppling of the Second Cartel des gauches (Left-Wing Coalition). Still, La Rocque refused to riot, although parts of the Croix-de-Feu disagreed with him. It had circled the Palais Bourbon and remained grouped several hundred metres away from the others rioting leagues. As one of the most essential paramilitary associations and because of its anti-Semitic position, the Croix-de-Feu and La Rocque were considered by the political left to be among the most dangerous imitators of Mussolini and Hitler.^{[citation needed]} However, as a result of La Rocque's actions during the riots, it subsequently lost prestige among the far-right before it was dissolved by the Popular Front government on 18 June 1936.

Parti Social Français (1936–1940)[edit]

La Rocque then formed the French Social Party (PSF) as a successor to the dissolved league. Moderate estimates place the membership for the PSF at 500,000 in the buildup to the Second World War, which would make it the first French conservative mass party. Although its slogan Travail, Famille, Patrie ("Work, Family, Fatherland") was later used by Vichy France to replace the Republican slogan Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité, the party remained eclectic. The party disappeared with the Fall of France without having had the opportunity to profit from its immense popularity.^{[citation needed]}

Second World War[edit]

During the occupation of France, La Rocque joined the French Resistance but was the subject of considerable controversy immediately after the war.^{[citation needed]}

Political heritage[edit]

The Parti Social Français was France's first major conservative party (1936–1940). He advocated a presidential regime to end the instability of the parliamentary regime, an economic system founded upon "organised professions" (corporatism) and social legislation inspired by Social Christianity.

Historians now consider that he paved the way for the French Christian democratic parties: the postwar Popular Republican Movement (MRP) and the Gaullist Rally for France. The historian William D. Irvine stated:

One of the very few things historians of fascism in France can agree upon is that the Croix de Feu and its successor the Parti Social Francais (PSF) are irrelevant to their subject.^[5]

Continuing debate[edit]

Historians have argued that the Croix-de-Feu were a distinctly-French variant of the European fascist movement. If the uniformed rightist "Leagues" of the 1930s did not develop into classical Fascism, it was because they represented a shading from conservative right-wing nationalism to extremist fascism, in membership and ideology, distinctive to French inter-war society.^[6]^[7]

Most contemporary French historians (René Rémond, Pierre Milza and François Sirinelli in particular) do not classify the 1930s "leagues" as a native "French Fascism", particularly the Croix-de-Feu. The organisation is described by Rémond as completely secretive about its aims with an ideology kept "as vague as possible."^[8] Rémond, the most famous and influential of these postwar historians, distinguishes "Reaction" and the far right from "revolutionary" fascism as an import into France which had few takers. In the 1968 third edition of "La droite en France", his major work^[9] he defines fascism in Europe as a

revolt of the declassés, a movement of those on half-pay, civilian and military. Everywhere it came to power through social upheavals.... Although with a handful of fascists [in 1930s France], there was a minority of reactionaries and a great majority of conservatives.

Amongst these he places much smaller groups like the Faisceau, a tiny minority compared with the Croix-de-Feu, whose membership peaked at over a million.^[10] The Israeli historian Zeev Sternhell, on the other hand, has argued for the existence of a native French fascism and for groups like the Cercle Proudhon of the mid-to-late 1910s being among the more important ideological breeding grounds of the movement. He, however, does not include the Croix de Feu in that category:

The 'centrist' right always had its own shock troops that served its own purposes, and took good care that they did not become confused with the fascists.^[11]

Sternhell, interested in the Fascism as a "anti-material revision of Marxism" or an anti-capitalist, cultish, corporatist extreme nationalism,^[12] points out that groups like the Jeunesses Patriotes, the revived Ligue des Patriotes and the Croix de Feu were derided by French fascists at the time. Fascist leaders in France saw themselves as destroyers of the old order, above politics, and rejecting the corruption of capitalism. To them the Leagues were a bulwark of this corrupt regime. Robert Brasillach called them "old cuckolds of the right, these eternal deceived husbands of politics.." and claimed that "the enemies of national restoration are not only on the left but first and foremost on the right.l".^[13]

The American journalist John Gunther in 1940 described La Rocque as a "French Fascist No. 1, the chief potential French March-on-Romer" but added that he was "a rather pallid Fascist", did not attempt to seize power during the 6 February riots and peacefully complied with the government's ban of the Croix de Feu.^[14] Other scholars, such as Robert Soucy and William D. Irvine, argue that the La Rocque and the Croix de Feu were in fact fascist and a particularly "French" fascism. La Rocque, however, if tempted by a paramilitary aesthetic and initially advocating collaboration with the Germans during the Second World War, finally came out against the more radical supporters of Nazi Germany.

References[edit]

^ Concerning François Mitterrand, see Pierre Péan, Une jeunesse française, pp. 23 à 35: Mitterrand arrived in Paris in autumn 1934, and the National Volunteers (Volontaires nationaux), a sub-section of the CF, were dissolved in June 1936
^ Kalman, Samuel (2013). French Colonial Fascism: The Extreme Right in Algeria 1919-1939. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 2.
^ Kalman, Samuel (2013). French Colonial Fascism: The Extreme Right in Algeria 1919-1939. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 56.
^ Roberts, Sophie B. (2012). "Anti-Semitism and municipal government in interwar French colonial Algeria". The Journal of North African Studies. 17 (5): 830–831. doi:10.1080/13629387.2012.723431. S2CID 154836306.
^ William D. Irvine, "Fascism in France and the Strange Case of the Croix de Feu." Journal of Modern History 63.2 (1991): 271-295. online
^ Passmore, Kevin (1995). "Boy Scouting for Grown-Ups? Paramilitarism in the Croix de Feu and the Parti Social Francais". French Historical Studies. 19 (2): 527–557. doi:10.2307/286787. JSTOR 286787. The title takes exception to René Rémond's dismissing of the Leagues as "adults' enthusiastic feeling for reliving their childhood by participating in a kind of boy scout game". Rémond, 1968, p. 290.
^ Soucy, Robert J. (1991). "French Fascism and the Croix de Feu: A Dissenting Interpretation". Journal of Contemporary History. 26 (1): 159–188. doi:10.1177/002200949102600108. S2CID 154884811.
^ 1968, p. 290
^ first published in 1954 and primarily concerned with the traditions of Bonapartist and royalist "Reaction",
^ (p.293,294. For the Faisceau, p. 277. For his focused examination of the Croix de Feu, see pp.285-297, passim. of "The Right in France", University of Pennsylvania Press, 1971 printing, ISBN 0-8122-7490-3
^ 1983/86, p.103
^ one restatement of this comes in pp. 101-108
^ cited by Sternhell, 1983/86, p. 225 Neither Right nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France, Princeton University Press, California (1986 translation of 1983 French work) ISBN 0-691-00629-6
^ Gunther, John (1940). Inside Europe. Harper & Brothers. pp. 204–206.

@@ Line 1: / Line 1: @@
 {{distinguish|Cross burning}}
-{{about||the Belgian military medal|Fire Cross 1914–1918|the 1989 American television miniseries|Cross of Fire}}
+{{for multi|the Belgian military medal|Fire Cross 1914–1918|the 1989 American television miniseries|Cross of Fire}}
 {{Infobox political party
-|colorcode       = black
+| colorcode        = black
-| name    = Cross of Fire
+| leader           = [[François de La Rocque]]
+| name             = Cross of Fire
-|native_name     = {{lang-fr|Croix-de-Feu}}
-|logo = Croix de Feu.svg
+| native_name      = {{lang-fr|Croix-de-Feu}}
+| logo             = Croix de Feu.svg
-|logo_size = 200px
+| logo_size        = 200px
-|leader1_title   = President
+| foundation       = 11 November 1927
-|leader1_name    = [[François de La Rocque]]
-|foundation      = 11 November 1927
+| dissolution      = 10 January 1936
-|dissolution     = 10 January 1936
+| successor        = [[French Social Party]]
-|successor       = [[French Social Party]]
+| headquarters     = Rue de Milan, [[Paris]]
+| newspaper        = ''Le Flambeau''
-|headquarters    = Rue de Milan, [[Paris]]
-|newspaper       = ''Le Flambeau''
+| student_wing     = ''Groupes Universitaires''
+| youth_wing       = {{nowrap|''Fils et Filles de Croix-de-Feu''}}
-|student_wing    = ''Groupes Universitaires''
+| wing1_title      = {{nowrap|Paramilitary wing}}
-|youth_wing      = ''Fils et Filles de Croix-de-Feu''
+| wing1            = ''Volontaires Nationaux''
-|wing1_title     = Paramilitary wing
-|wing1           = ''Volontaires Nationaux''
+| womens_wing      = ''Sections Féminines''
+| membership       = 15,000 (1936 {{estimation}})
-|wing2_title     = Woman wing
+| ideology         = [[French nationalism]]<br>[[Social corporatism]]<br>[[Proto-fascism]]
-|wing2           = ''Sections Féminines''
+| position         = [[Right-wing politics|Right-wing]] to [[Far-right politics|far-right]]
-|membership_year = 1937
-|membership      = 700,000
+| religion         = [[Roman Catholicism]]
+| colours          = {{Color box|black|border=darkgray}} [[Black]]
-|ideology        = [[French nationalism]]<br>[[Social corporatism]]
+| country          = France
-|position        = [[Right-wing politics|Right-wing]] to [[far-right]]
-|religion        = [[Roman Catholicism]]
-|international   = ''None''
-|colours         = {{Color box|black|border=darkgray}} [[Black]]
-|country         = France
 }}
 The '''Croix-de-Feu''' ({{IPA-fr|kʁwa də fø|lang}}, ''Cross of Fire'') was a [[nationalist]] [[France|French]] [[political party|league]] of the [[Interwar period]], led by [[François de La Rocque|Colonel François de la Rocque]] (1885–1946). After it was dissolved, as were all other leagues during the [[Popular Front (France)|Popular Front]] period (1936–38), La Rocque established the ''[[Parti social français]]'' (PSF) to replace it.
 ==Beginnings (1927–1930)==
-The ''Croix-de-Feu'' (CF) were primarily a group of veterans of the [[World War I|First World War]] &mdash; those who had been awarded the ''[[Croix de guerre 1914-1918 (France)|Croix de guerre 1914-1918]]''. It was founded on 26 November 1927 by [[Maurice d'Hartoy]], who led it until 1929; the honorary presidency was awarded to writer [[Jacques Péricard]]. Also in 1929, the movement acquired its own newspaper, ''[[Le Flambeau]]''. At its creation, the movement was subsidized by wealthy perfumer [[François Coty]],  and hosted in ''[[Le Figaro]]'''s building.{{Cn|date=September 2021}}
+The ''Croix-de-Feu'' (CF) were primarily a group of veterans of the [[World War I|First World War]], those who had been awarded the ''[[Croix de guerre 1914-1918 (France)|Croix de guerre 1914-1918]]''. The group was founded on 26 November 1927 by [[Maurice d'Hartoy]], who led it until 1929. The honorary presidency was awarded to writer [[Jacques Péricard]]. Also in 1929, the movement acquired its newspaper, ''[[Le Flambeau]]''. At its creation, the movement was subsidized by the wealthy perfumer [[François Coty]] and was hosted in the building of ''[[Le Figaro]]''.{{Cn|date=September 2021}}
-They benefited from the [[Catholic Church]]'s 1926 proscription of the ''[[Action Française]]'', which prohibited Catholics from supporting the latter. Many [[Conservatism|conservative]] Catholics became members of the CF instead, including [[Jean Mermoz]] and the young [[François Mitterrand]].<ref>Concerning François Mitterrand, see [[Pierre Péan]], ''Une jeunesse française'', pp. 23 à 35: Mitterrand arrived in Paris in autumn 1934, and the National Volunteers (''Volontaires nationaux''), a sub-section of the CF, were dissolved in June 1936</ref>
+It benefited from the [[Catholic Church]]'s 1926 proscription of the ''[[Action Française]]'', which prohibited Catholics from supporting the latter. Many [[conservative]] Catholics became members of the Croix-de-feu instead, including [[Jean Mermoz]] and the young [[François Mitterrand]].<ref>Concerning François Mitterrand, see [[Pierre Péan]], ''Une jeunesse française'', pp. 23 à 35: Mitterrand arrived in Paris in autumn 1934, and the National Volunteers (''Volontaires nationaux''), a sub-section of the CF, were dissolved in June 1936</ref>
-Unlike the [[Unions latines]] which had promoted ''[[algérianité]]'' (Algerianness) and gained the support of French settlers, the CF adopted a new approach. European settlers in Algeria tended to favor authoritarian and imperialist government over [[French republicanism]]. They were [[anti-semitic]] and [[xenophobic]]. Believing that Algerian Europeans were a new race, they saw themselves as "youthful, virile and brutal" and the [[Metropolitan France|metropolitans]] as "degenerate, effeminate and weak". They often resorted to the use of the force against Muslim and Jewish Algerians.<ref>{{cite book |last=Kalman |first=Samuel |title=French Colonial Fascism: The Extreme Right in Algeria 1919-1939 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |date=2013 |page=2}}</ref>
+Unlike the [[Unions latines]], which had promoted ''[[algérianité]]'' (Algerianness) and gained the support of French settlers, the CF adopted a new approach. European settlers in Algeria tended to support authoritarian and imperialist governments over [[French republicanism]]. They were [[anti-Semitic]] and [[xenophobic]]. Believing that Algerian Europeans were a new race, they saw themselves as "youthful, virile and brutal" and [[Metropolitan France]] as "degenerate, effeminate and weak". They often resorted to the use of force against Muslim and Jewish Algerians.<ref>{{cite book |last=Kalman |first=Samuel |title=French Colonial Fascism: The Extreme Right in Algeria 1919-1939 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |date=2013 |page=2}}</ref>
-The CF's massive [[propaganda]] campaign won thousands of members in [[Constantine, Algeria|Constantine]] and [[Algiers]]. They proposed an alliance with local Muslims and attacked the left. Scholars see this as a tactic to funnel revolutionary and separatist frustrations caused by economic disparity between European settlers and the local Algerian people. They used different propaganda in [[Oran]], more similar to [[Jules Molle]] and the Unions latines, because Oran had fewer Muslims and was more [[anti-semitic]].<ref>{{cite book |last=Kalman |first=Samuel |title=French Colonial Fascism: The Extreme Right in Algeria 1919-1939 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |date=2013 |page=56}}</ref>
+The Croix-de-feu had a massive [[propaganda]] campaign that won thousands of members in [[Constantine, Algeria|Constantine]] and [[Algiers]]. It proposed an alliance with local Muslims and attacked the left. Scholars see that as a tactic to funnel extreme and separatist frustrations caused by an economic disparity between European settlers and the local Algerian people. It used different propaganda in [[Oran]], more similar to [[Jules Molle]] and the Union's latines, because Oran had fewer Muslims and was more anti-Semitic.<ref>{{cite book |last=Kalman |first=Samuel |title=French Colonial Fascism: The Extreme Right in Algeria 1919-1939 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |date=2013 |page=56}}</ref>
 == Under La Rocque (1930–1936) ==
 {{refimprove section|date=April 2021}}
-Under [[Lieutenant colonel]] [[François de La Rocque]], who took over in 1930, the Croix-de-Feu took their independence from François Coty, leaving the ''Figaro'''s building for the ''rue de Milan'' (Milan Street) in Paris. It organized popular demonstrations in reaction to the [[Stavisky Affair]], hoping to overthrow the Second ''[[Cartel des gauches|Left-wing Coalition]]'' government. De la Rocque quickly became a hero of the [[far right]], opposed to the influences of [[Socialism]] and "hidden [[Communism]]", but skeptical about becoming [[counterrevolutionary]].
+Under [[Lieutenant-Colonel]] [[François de La Rocque]], who took over in 1930, the Croix-de-Feu took its independence from François Coty and left the building of ''Le Figaro'' for rue de Milan. It organised popular demonstrations in reaction to the [[Stavisky Affair]] in the hope of overthrowing the Second ''[[Cartel des gauches]]'', a left-wing coalition government. La Rocque quickly became a hero of the [[far right]], which opposed the influences of [[socialism]] and "hidden [[Communism]]" but was sceptical about becoming [[counterrevolutionary]].
-Under de la Rocque, the movement advocated a military effort against the "German danger," supporting [[corporatism]] and an alliance between Capital and Labour. It enlarged its base, creating a number of secondary associations, thus including non-veterans in its ranks. To counter the monarchist ''[[Action française]]'' and its slogan ''Politique d'abord!'' (First Politics!), de la Rocque invented the motto ''Social d'abord!'' (First Social!). In his book, ''Le Service Public'' (Public Service, published in November 1934), he argued in favour of a reform of parliamentary procedures; cooperation between industries according to their branches of activities; a [[minimum wage]] and paid holidays; [[women's right to vote]] (also upheld by the monarchist Action française, who considered that women, often devout, would be more favorable to their conservative thesis), etc.{{citation needed|date=April 2021}}
+Under la Rocque, the movement advocated a military effort against the "German danger" and supported [[corporatism]] and an alliance between capital and labour. It enlarged its base by creating several secondary associations, thus including non-veterans in its ranks. To counter the monarchist ''[[Action française]]'' and its slogan ''Politique d'abord!'' "Politics First!"), de la Rocque invented the motto ''Social d'abord!'' ("Social First!"). In his book, ''Le Service Public'' ("Public Service)", which was published in November 1934, he argued in favour of a reform of parliamentary procedures, cooperation between industries according to their branches of activities; a [[minimum wage]] and paid holidays; [[women's suffrage]] (also upheld by the monarchist Action française, which considered that women, often devout, would be more favourable to their conservative thesis) etc.{{citation needed|date=April 2021}}
-Croix de Feu was one of the right wing groups that pushed anti-Semitic politics in 1935. Along with [[Volontaires Nationaux]] and others, Croix de Feu used the political developments in [[Metropolitan France]] like the election of [[León Blum]] and the [[Popular Front (France)|Popular Front]] to inflame anti-Semitic sentiment in the colony. The 1936 elections saw the victory of anti-Semitic municipal governments, boycotts against Jewish business (heavily promoted by the [[Independent Radicals|Radical Party]] newspaper ''[[Le Republicain de Constantine]]''), and physical violence and attacks against Jews. Croix de Feu acted in concert with other anti-Semitic parties, including the ''[[Rassemblement National d'Action Sociale]]'' led by [[Abbé Lambert]], ''[[Action française]]'' and ''[[Parti Populaire français]]'' . Membership in Croix de Feu grew from 2500 in 1933, to 8440 in 1935, and 15000 in 1936.<ref name=Roberts832>{{cite journal |last1=Roberts |first1=Sophie B. |title=Anti-Semitism and municipal government in interwar French colonial Algeria |journal=The Journal of North African Studies |date=2012 |volume=17 |issue=5 |pages=830–831 |doi=10.1080/13629387.2012.723431 |s2cid=154836306 |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13629387.2012.723431}}</ref>
+The Croix de Feu was one of the right-wing groups that pushed anti-Semitic politics in 1935. Along with [[Volontaires Nationaux]] and others, the Croix de Feu used the political developments in [[Metropolitan France]] like the election of [[Léon Blum]], a Jewish Prime Minister, and the [[Popular Front (France)|Popular Front]] to inflame anti-Semitic sentiment in the colony. The 1936 elections saw the victory of anti-Semitic municipal governments, boycotts against Jewish business (heavily promoted by the [[Independent Radicals|Radical Party]] newspaper ''[[Le Republicain de Constantine]]'') and physical violence and attacks against Jews. The Croix de Feu acted in concert with other anti-Semitic parties, including the ''[[Rassemblement National d'Action Sociale]]'' led by [[Abbé Lambert]], ''[[Action française]]'' and ''[[French Popular Party|Parti Populaire français]]''. Membership in Croix de Feu grew from 2,500 in 1933 to 8,440 in 1935 and 15,000 in 1936.<ref name=Roberts832>{{cite journal |last1=Roberts |first1=Sophie B. |title=Anti-Semitism and municipal government in interwar French colonial Algeria |journal=The Journal of North African Studies |date=2012 |volume=17 |issue=5 |pages=830–831 |doi=10.1080/13629387.2012.723431 |s2cid=154836306 |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13629387.2012.723431}}</ref>
+The Croix-de-Feu did not participate in the 1932 demonstrations organised by the Action française and the far-right leagues ''[[Jeunesses Patriotes]]'' against the debt payment to the United States. The Croix-de-feu, however, took part in the massive [[6 February 1934 crisis|rally of 6 February 1934]], which led to the toppling of the Second ''[[Cartel des gauches]]'' (Left-Wing Coalition). Still, La Rocque refused to riot, although parts of the Croix-de-Feu disagreed with him. It had circled the [[Palais Bourbon]] and remained grouped several hundred metres away from the others rioting leagues. As one of the most essential paramilitary associations and because of its anti-Semitic position, the Croix-de-Feu and La Rocque were considered by the political left to be among the most dangerous imitators of Mussolini and Hitler.{{citation needed|date=April 2021}} However, as a result of La Rocque's actions during the riots, it subsequently lost prestige among the far-right before it was dissolved by the [[Popular Front (France)|Popular Front]] government on 18 June 1936.
-In November 1937 the number of 700,000 members was mentioned in a German journal.{{citation needed|date=April 2021}}
-The Croix-de-Feu did not participate to the 1932 demonstrations organized by the Action française and the far-right leagues ''[[Jeunesses Patriotes]]'' against the payment of the debt to the United States. It did take part in the massive [[6 February 1934 crisis|rally of 6 February 1934]] which led to the toppling of the Second ''[[Cartel des gauches]]'' (Left-Wing Coalition), but de la Rocque refused to engage in rioting (although parts of the Croix-de-Feu disagreed with him). They had circled the seat of the parliament (the [[Palais Bourbon]]), and remained grouped, several hundreds meters away from the others rioting leagues. As one of the most important paramilitary associations, and because of its anti-Semitic position, the Croix-de-Feu and de la Rocque were considered by the political left to be among the most dangerous of the imitators of Mussolini and Hitler.{{citation needed|date=April 2021}} However, as a result of de la Roque's actions during the riots, they subsequently lost prestige among the far-right, before being dissolved by the [[Popular Front (France)|Popular Front]] government on 18 June 1936.
-== The Parti Social Français (1936–1940) ==
+== Parti Social Français (1936–1940) ==
 {{main|French Social Party}}
+La Rocque then formed the [[French Social Party]] (PSF) as a successor to the dissolved league. Moderate estimates place the membership for the PSF at 500,000 in the buildup to the [[Second World War]], which would make it the first French conservative mass party. Although its [[slogan]] ''Travail, Famille, Patrie'' ("Work, Family, Fatherland") was later used by [[Vichy France]] to replace the Republican slogan ''[[Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité]]'', the party remained eclectic. The party disappeared with the [[Fall of France]] without having had the opportunity to profit from its immense popularity.{{Cn|date=September 2021}}
+== Second World War ==
-François de la Rocque then formed the [[French Social Party]] (PSF) as a successor to the dissolved league. Moderate estimates place the membership for the PSF at 500,000 in the buildup to [[World War II]] &mdash; making it the first French conservative mass party ; although its [[slogan]] ''Travail, Famille, Patrie'' ("Work, Family, Fatherland") was later used by [[Vichy France]] to replace the Republican slogan ''[[Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité]]'', the party had remained eclectic. The party disappeared with the [[Fall of France]], without being able to profit from the immense popularity.{{Cn|date=September 2021}}
-== During World War II ==
 {{see|Vichy France|Révolution nationale}}
+During the [[occupation of France]], La Rocque joined the [[French Resistance]] but was the subject of considerable controversy immediately after the war.{{Cn|date=September 2021}}
-During the occupation of France, La Rocque joined the Resistance but was nonetheless the subject of considerable controversy immediately after the war.{{Cn|date=September 2021}}
 == Political heritage ==
+{{Conservatism in France}}
-The Parti Social Français (PSF) of François de La Rocque was the first major conservative party in France (1936–1940). He advocated a presidential regime to end the instability of the parliamentary regime, an economic system founded upon "organised professions" ([[corporatism]]), and a social legislation inspired by [[Social Christianity]].
+The Parti Social Français was France's first major conservative party (1936–1940). He advocated a presidential regime to end the instability of the parliamentary regime, an economic system founded upon "organised professions" ([[corporatism]]) and social legislation inspired by [[Social Christianity]].
-Historians now consider that he paved the way to the French Christian democratic parties: the post-war [[Popular Republican Movement]] (MRP) and the Gaullist [[Rally for France]].  Historian William D. Irvine states:
+Historians now consider that he paved the way for the French Christian democratic parties: the postwar [[Popular Republican Movement]] (MRP) and the Gaullist [[Rally for France]]. The historian William D. Irvine stated:
-:One of the very few things historians of fascism in France can agree upon is that the  Croix de Feu and its successor the Parti Social Francais (PSF) are irrelevant to their subject.<ref>William D. Irvine, "Fascism in France and the Strange Case of the Croix de Feu." ''Journal of Modern History'' 63.2 (1991): 271-295. [https://www.jstor.org/stable/2938485 online]</ref>
+:One of the very few things historians of fascism in France can agree upon is that the Croix de Feu and its successor the Parti Social Francais (PSF) are irrelevant to their subject.<ref>William D. Irvine, "Fascism in France and the Strange Case of the Croix de Feu." ''Journal of Modern History'' 63.2 (1991): 271-295. [https://www.jstor.org/stable/2938485 online]</ref>
-== Continuing debate over the Croix-de-Feu ==
+== Continuing debate==
-Some historians have argued that the Croix-de-Feu were a distinctly French variant of the European [[Fascism|Fascist]] movement: if the uniformed rightist "[[Far right leagues|Leagues]]" of the 1930s did not develop into classical Fascism, it was because they represented a shading from conservative right-wing nationalism to extremist fascism, in membership and ideology, distinctive to French inter-war society.<ref>{{cite journal
+Historians have argued that the Croix-de-Feu were a distinctly-French variant of the European [[fascist]] movement. If the uniformed rightist "[[far-right leagues|Leagues]]" of the 1930s did not develop into classical Fascism, it was because they represented a shading from conservative right-wing nationalism to extremist fascism, in membership and ideology, distinctive to French inter-war society.<ref>{{cite journal
  | author = Passmore, Kevin
  | year = 1995
@@ Line 81: / Line 74: @@
  | doi = 10.2307/286787
  | jstor = 286787
-}}  The title takes exception to René Rémond's dismissing of the Leagues as "...adults' enthusiastic feeling for reliving their childhood by participating in a kind of boy scout game.." Rémond, 1968, p. 290.</ref><ref>{{cite journal
+}} The title takes exception to René Rémond's dismissing of the Leagues as "adults' enthusiastic feeling for reliving their childhood by participating in a kind of boy scout game". Rémond, 1968, p. 290.</ref><ref>{{cite journal
  | author = Soucy, Robert J.
  | year = 1991
@@ Line 93: / Line 86: @@
  }}</ref>
-Most contemporary French historians ([[René Rémond]], [[Pierre Milza]], François Sirinelli in particular) do not classify the "leagues" of the 30s as a native "French Fascism", particularly the Croix-de-Feu.  The organisation is described by Rémond as completely secret in aims with an ideology "As vague as possible."<ref>1968, p. 290</ref> Rémond, most famous and influential of these post-war historians, distinguishes "Reaction" and the far-right from "revolutionary" [[Fascism]] as an import into France which had few takers. In the 1968 third edition of "''La droite en France''", his major work<ref>first published in 1954, and primarily concerned with the traditions of Bonapartist and royalist "Reaction",</ref> he defines fascism in Europe as a <blockquote>revolt of the ''declassés'', a movement of those on half-pay, civilian and military. Everywhere it came to power through social upheavals ... Although with a handful of fascists [in 1930s France], there was a minority of reactionaries and a great majority of conservatives.</blockquote>Amongst these he places much smaller groups like the [[Faisceau]], a tiny minority compared with the Croix-de-Feu, whose membership peaked at over a million.<ref>(p.293,294. For the Faisceau, p. 277.  For his focused examination of the Croix de Feu, see pp.285-297, passim. of "The Right in France", University of Pennsylvania Press, 1971 printing, {{ISBN|0-8122-7490-3}}</ref>
+Most contemporary [[French historians]] ([[René Rémond]], [[Pierre Milza]] and François Sirinelli in particular) do not classify the 1930s "leagues" as a native "French Fascism", particularly the Croix-de-Feu. The organisation is described by Rémond as completely secretive about its aims with an ideology kept "as vague as possible."<ref>1968, p. 290</ref> Rémond, the most famous and influential of these postwar historians, distinguishes "Reaction" and the far right from "revolutionary" [[fascism]] as an import into France which had few takers. In the 1968 third edition of "''La droite en France''", his major work<ref>first published in 1954 and primarily concerned with the traditions of Bonapartist and royalist "Reaction",</ref> he defines fascism in Europe as a <blockquote>revolt of the ''declassés'', a movement of those on half-pay, civilian and military. Everywhere it came to power through social upheavals.... Although with a handful of fascists [in 1930s France], there was a minority of reactionaries and a great majority of conservatives.</blockquote>Amongst these he places much smaller groups like the [[Faisceau]], a tiny minority compared with the Croix-de-Feu, whose membership peaked at over a million.<ref>(p.293,294. For the Faisceau, p. 277. For his focused examination of the Croix de Feu, see pp.285-297, passim. of "The Right in France", University of Pennsylvania Press, 1971 printing, {{ISBN|0-8122-7490-3}}</ref>
-Israeli historian [[Zeev Sternhell]], on the other hand, has argued for not only the existence of a native French fascism, but for groups like the [[Cercle Proudhon]] of the nineteen-teens being amongst the more important ideological breeding grounds of the movement. He, though, does not include the Croix de Feu in this category: <blockquote>The 'centrist' right always had its own shock troops that served its own purposes, and took good care that they did not become confused with the fascists.<ref>1983/86, p.103</ref> </blockquote>Sternhell, interested in the Fascism as a "anti-material revision of Marxism" or an anti-capitalist, cultish, [[corporatist]] extreme nationalism,<ref>one restatement of this comes in pp. 101-108</ref> points out that groups like the [[Jeunesses Patriotes]], the revived [[Ligue des Patriotes]] and the Croix de Feu were derided by French fascists at the time. Fascist leaders in France saw themselves as destroyers of the old order, above politics, and rejecting the corruption of capitalism. To them the Leagues were a bulwark of this corrupt regime. [[Robert Brasillach]] called them "old cuckolds of the right, these eternal deceived husbands of politics.." and claimed that "the enemies of national restoration are not only on the left but first and foremost on the right."<ref>cited by Sternhell, 1983/86, p. 225 Neither Right nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France, Princeton Univ. Press, California (1986 translation of 1983 French work) {{ISBN|0-691-00629-6}}</ref>
+The Israeli historian [[Zeev Sternhell]], on the other hand, has argued for the existence of a native French fascism and for groups like the [[Cercle Proudhon]] of the mid-to-late 1910s being among the more important ideological breeding grounds of the movement. He, however, does not include the Croix de Feu in that category: <blockquote>The 'centrist' right always had its own shock troops that served its own purposes, and took good care that they did not become confused with the fascists.<ref>1983/86, p.103</ref> </blockquote>Sternhell, interested in the Fascism as a "anti-material revision of Marxism" or an anti-capitalist, cultish, [[corporatist]] extreme nationalism,<ref>one restatement of this comes in pp. 101-108</ref> points out that groups like the [[Jeunesses Patriotes]], the revived [[Ligue des Patriotes]] and the Croix de Feu were derided by French fascists at the time. Fascist leaders in France saw themselves as destroyers of the old order, above politics, and rejecting the corruption of capitalism. To them the Leagues were a bulwark of this corrupt regime. [[Robert Brasillach]] called them "old cuckolds of the right, these eternal deceived husbands of politics.." and claimed that "the enemies of national restoration are not only on the left but first and foremost on the right.l".<ref>cited by Sternhell, 1983/86, p. 225 Neither Right nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France, Princeton University Press, California (1986 translation of 1983 French work) {{ISBN|0-691-00629-6}}</ref>
-American journalist [[John Gunther]] in 1940 described de la Rocque as a "French Fascist No. 1, the chief potential French [[March on Rome|March-on-Romer]]", but added that he was "a rather pallid Fascist", did not attempt to seize power during the 6 February riots, and peacefully complied with the government's ban of the Croix de Feu.<ref name="gunther1940">{{cite book | url=https://archive.org/stream/in.ernet.dli.2015.149663/2015.149663.Inside-Europe#page/n225/mode/2up | title=Inside Europe | publisher=Harper & Brothers | author=Gunther, John | year=1940 | pages=204–206}}</ref> Other scholars, such as [[Robert Soucy]] and [[William D. Irvine]], argue that the La Rocque and the Croix de Feu were, in fact, fascist, and a particularly "French" fascism. De la Rocque, however, if tempted by a paramilitary aesthetic and initially advocating [[collaborationism|collaboration]] with the Germans during World War II, finally came out against the more radical supporters of [[Nazi Germany]].
+The American journalist [[John Gunther]] in 1940 described La Rocque as a "French Fascist No. 1, the chief potential French [[March on Rome|March-on-Romer]]" but added that he was "a rather pallid Fascist", did not attempt to seize power during the 6 February riots and peacefully complied with the government's ban of the Croix de Feu.<ref name="gunther1940">{{cite book | url=https://archive.org/stream/in.ernet.dli.2015.149663/2015.149663.Inside-Europe#page/n225/mode/2up | title=Inside Europe | publisher=Harper & Brothers | author=Gunther, John | year=1940 | pages=204–206}}</ref> Other scholars, such as [[Robert Soucy]] and [[William D. Irvine]], argue that the La Rocque and the Croix de Feu were in fact fascist and a particularly "French" fascism. La Rocque, however, if tempted by a paramilitary aesthetic and initially advocating [[collaboration]] with the Germans during the Second World War, finally came out against the more radical supporters of [[Nazi Germany]].
 ==See also==
@@ Line 134: / Line 127: @@
 [[Category:Proto-fascists]]
 [[Category:Anti-communist organizations]]
-[[Category:Jewish Algerian history]]
+[[Category:Antisemitism in French Algeria]]
-[[Category:Political history of Algeria]]
+[[Category:Politics of French Algeria]]

v t e Far-right politics in France
Precursors	Bonald Boulanger de Gobineau de Maistre Drumont de Lapouge
Pre-1945 groups	Action Française Antisemitic League of France Breton National Party Camelots du Roi Croix-de-Feu Faisceau French National-Collectivist Party French Popular Party Jeunesses Patriotes La Cagoule Ligue des Patriotes Milice Mouvement Franciste National Popular Rally Revolutionary Social Movement Service d'ordre légionnaire Solidarité Française
Pre-1945 people	Barrès Bainville Benoist-Méchin Bonnard Brasillach Bucard Clémenti Coston Darnard Daudet Déat Deloncle Déroulède Dorgères Doriot Drieu La Rochelle Guénon Laval Maulnier Maurras Maxence Ousset Pétain Plateau Pujo Rebatet Vallat Vaugeois
Defunct post-1945 groups	Charles Martel Group Europe-Action European Rally for Liberty Fédération d'action nationale et européenne Federation of Nationalist Students French and European Nationalist Party Front Algérie Française Groupe Union Défense Jeune Nation L'Œuvre Française Nouvelle Résistance Occident Ordre Nouveau Organisation Armée Secrète Party of New Forces Phalange Française Radical Network Rassemblement National Français Revolutionary Nationalist Groups Troisième Voie Unité Radicale
Active groups	Action Française Adsav AGRIF Alsace First Association for the Defence of the Memory of Marshal Pétain Cité catholique Civitas Carrefour de l'Horloge Debout la France Equality and Reconciliation Europe-Jeunesse The Nationalists French Renewal Generation Identity GRECE League of the South National Council of European Resistance National Republican Movement Party of France Rassemblement National Reconquête Sovereignty, Identity and Freedoms Terre et Peuple The Patriots
Post-1945 people	Aliot Antony Ayoub Bardèche Bardella Bay Benedetti Binet Bompard Bouchet Bousquet Blot Brigneau Briois Camus Coston de Benoist de Lesquen Dior Duprat Faye Fredriksen Gollnisch Holeindre Jalkh Lang Le Gallou Le Pen (Jean-Marie) Le Pen (Marine) Luce Maribe Malliarakis Maréchal Mégret Ménard Messiha Philippot Pujo Rachline Ravier Reynouard Saint-Loup Sidos Soral Stirbois Susini Tixier-Vignancour Venner Vial Zemmour
Ideologies and movements	Boulangisme Maurrassisme Nouvelle Droite Pétainism Révolution nationale
Active publications and media	Boulevard Voltaire Éléments Minute National-Hebdo [fr] Nouvelle École Présent Radio Courtoisie Rivarol TV-Libertés
Notable events	Dreyfus affair Franco-Prussian War (Revanchism) 6 February 1934 crisis Vichy France Algerian War (Algiers putsch of 1961)

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